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INDIA is one of the only two regions of the world where a
great human civilisation took birth several millennia ago and
has survived more or less uninterrupted to this day. The other
is China. Probably an equally great civilisation arose in the
Americas and flourished for long; but the American
civilisation and almost all her people were extinguished when
Europe began to extend its influence to the American shores.
African civilisation was also disrupted and her people
decimated, though not as thoroughly as in the Americas.
Europe, America and other areas of the world peopled by the
Europeans, as also the Arab and other West Asian lands, are
indeed centres of great and vibrant human civilisations today.
But, the Christian and the Islamic civilisations that they
represent are relatively new developments in human history.
Geographically, India is not as vast as China, Europe or the
Americas. But in terms of natural resources essential for the
flourishing of human civilisation cultivable land, water and
sunshine India is as well if not better endowed than these.
Even today, when India, along with almost all other parts of
the world, has experienced a great resurgence of population,
the number of persons per unit of cultivated land in India
remains below that of Europe or China. It is not surprising
therefore that notwithstanding the relative compactness of her
geographical expanse, India has been always a land of great
multitudes. India and China together have accounted for more
than half the population of the world at least from the
beginning of the Christian era to 1850. In the earlier
centuries of the era, the combined share of India and China
was considerably more than half that of the world; and Indians
outnumbered the Chinese up to at least 1500.
The other timeless fact about India, besides the extraordinary
fertility of her lands and numerousness of her people, is the
homogeneity of her civilisation and culture. Perceptive
observers of India from the earliest times have often
acknowledged and commented upon the uniqueness of Indian ideas
and institutions that pervade nearly every part of India. This
cultural homogeneity has come under stress during the last two
hundred years or so, basically under the influence of modern
ideologies that tend to look upon the homogeneity of India as
a source of oppression and backwardness. This ideological
prejudice manifests in the public life of India in the name of
protection of distinctive ways of life of religious
minorities, especially those belonging to Islam and
Christianity. Such influences have led to Partition of India
into three separate political entities; religious
heterogeneity of certain parts of India formed the sole basis
for this.
This book attempts to compile and study changes in these two
basic determinants of Indian demography: the share of her
people in the population of the world, and the civilisational
and cultural homogeneity of her people.
Indian census operations that began in 1871 have always
classified the people of India according to their religious
affiliation. After Independence, cross-tabulation of data on
religion was discontinued, but basic data on religious
affiliation has continued to be collected. The census data,
covering a period of 120 years, forms the basis of our
compilation and analysis. During this fairly long period, the
country has been partitioned; the larger administrative units
formed by the states, provinces and divisions have been
extensively reorganised; and the field level administrative
units comprising of the districts have been repeatedly
rearranged. The census data for the previous years therefore
has to be carefully reworked to make it correspond to the
current administrative units. Much of this reworking has been
carried out by the census organisations of Indian Union,
Pakistan and Bangladesh. We have compiled the available
information for India; for the three constituent units into
which India has been partitioned; for the states, provinces
and divisions within these units; and for the districts of
Indian Union. This extensive data is presented in the Detailed
Tables that form the second part of this book.
The first chapter of the book looks at the growth of total
population for India as a whole, and for Indian Union,
Pakistan and Bangladesh, separately, and puts this growth in
the context of the changing share of different people in the
population of the world. This chapter also lays down the basic
definitions and assumptions employed in our study and the
corrections that have to be carried out in the enumerated
census data to take care of the errors of under-enumeration
and under-coverage, etc.
In the second chapter, we compile and present the changing
religious profile of the populations of Indian Union,
Pakistan, Bangladesh, and of India, encompassing all three of
these units. Since this book is concerned mainly with the
heterogeneity introduced by Islam and Christianity,
populations for the purpose of this study are divided into
three large groups: Muslims, Christians, and the rest, who may
be collectively termed as Indian Religionists. In the third
chapter, we carry this analysis further to the level of the
states, provinces and divisions of Indian Union, Pakistan and
Bangladesh. The next three chapters go further still, to the
level of the districts of Indian Union.
Indian Religionists, as defined above, of course include,
besides the Hindus, many fairly large religious groups, like
Sikhs, Buddhists and Jains, who are important on their own,
and several smaller groups, some of whom, like Parsis and
Jews, may not be of Indian origin. We discuss the growth and
distribution of the religious groups other than the Hindus
that have been included in the category of Indian Religionists
separately in the seventh chapter.
In the last chapter, we put the changing religious demography
of India in the context of similar changes that have taken
place in the world during the twentieth century. The chapter
presents and analyses data on the growth of Christianity and
Islam in all major regions and countries of the world.
Throughout our analysis, we employ the term India for the
geographical and historical India that encompasses the three
countries into which India was partitioned in the course of
the twentieth century. The individual countries separately are
always referred to as Indian Union, Pakistan and Bangladesh.
The last census for which detailed religious composition of
populations is available is that of 1991; therefore, we carry
all collation of data and analysis up to that year.
From about the middle of the nineteenth to the middle of the
twentieth century was a period of great strain for most
non-European people of the world. During this period, the
share of people of European origin in the population of the
world rose by about 10 percentage points, while the share of
other people correspondingly declined. This rapid rise in the
proportion of European people, facilitated largely by the
peopling of the American continent, came on top of at least
two centuries of growth during which their share had risen by
another about 10 percentage points. In the 1930s, the share
of European people in the population of the world reached its
peak of nearly 40 percent.
By the middle of the twentieth century, most non-European
people of the world began to come out of the long period of
direct European rule. And with the coming of freedom, they
began to experience a great blossoming of their populations.
In the latter half of the twentieth century, the share of
African and Asian populations in the world rose sharply to
largely neutralise the gains made by European people during
the previous hundred years or so. India also participated in
this great revival of non-European people. The share of people
of Indian origin thus rose to above 20 percent of the
population of the world from about 16 percent in 1950. Indian
share in the world today is about the same as in 1850. Up to
the middle of the last millennium, however, and perhaps up to
the middle of the eighteenth century, we used to form a much
larger part of the world.
The people of Indian origin thus have improved their share in
the population of the world considerably in the course of the
twentieth century. The share of Indian Religionists amongst
the Indians, however, is a different story.
The proportion of Indian Religionists in the population of
India has declined by 11 percentage points during the period
of 110 years for which census information is available. Indian
Religionists formed 79.32 percent of the population in 1881
and 68.03 percent in 1991. This is an extraordinarily high
decline to take place in just about a century; at the peak of
Mughal rule at the time of Akbar, after nearly four hundred
years of Islamic domination, the proportion of Muslims in
India was said to be no more than one-sixth of the population.
If the trend of decline seen during 1881-1991 continues, then
the proportion of Indian Religionists in India is likely to
fall below 50 percent early in the latter half of the
twenty-first century.
Within Indian Union, the decline suffered by Indian
Religionists during this period is less pronounced; their
proportion declined from 86.64 percent in 1901 to 85.09
percent in 1991. This is largely because there was an increase
of almost 3 percentage points in the proportion of Indian
Religionists in Indian Union between 1941 and 1951, as a
result of the forced and violent transfer of populations
associated with Partition. Since 1951, the share of Indian
Religionists within Indian Union has declined by more than 2
percentage points.
In the areas that form Pakistan now, the proportion of Indian
Religionists rose considerably during the pre-Partition
period, from 15.93 percent in 1901 to 19.69 percent in 1951.
This is the only region of India, where Indian Religionists
registered any gains in the course of the twentieth century.
Partition immediately negated these gains; the proportion of
Indian Religionists declined to 1.60 percent in 1951, and has
remained around that figure since then.
In the areas that form Bangladesh now, Indian Religionists
formed 33.93 percent of the population in 1901; their
proportion declined to 29.61 percent by 1941 and further to
22.89 in 1951 as a consequence of Partition. Between 1951 and
1991, proportion of Indian Religionists in Bangladesh has been
declining precipitously; they form only 11.37 percent of the
population in 1991, less than half of their share in 1951.
As we have mentioned above, decline in the proportion of
Indian Religionists within Indian Union has not been too
remarkable, though they have lost about 2 percentage points
off their share since Independence and Partition. But the
detailed district-wise data analysed in the book shows that
the decline has been fairly steep in certain geographically
well-defined pockets of the country, while in most parts
Indian Religionists continue to hold sway.
A very large part of Indian Union, comprising almost all of
the northwestern, western, central and southern states, has
seen little decline in the proportion of Indian Religionists.
Indian Religionists have an overwhelming dominance in this
vast region that includes almost two-thirds of the
geographical area and about 57 percent of the population in
1991. They form more than 91 percent of the population of the
region; their proportion has declined only marginally since
1951. Within the region there are only a few small pockets,
where Christians or Muslims have any significant presence.
In the heartland and eastern regions of Indian Union,
comprising Uttar Pradesh, Bihar, West Bengal and Assam,
however, Indian Religionists are under great pressure. This
region encompasses the most fertile lands of India and
accommodates about 37 percent of the population in 1991 on
about 19 percent of the geographic area of Indian Union. Here,
Indian Religionists have a share of only about 80 percent in
the population; and, they have suffered a decline of about 4
percentage points in their share in the four decades between
1951 and 1991. The rest of the population is formed mainly of
Muslims, who have a share of nearly 19 percent in the
population. Christians in this region are few; they have a
share of less than 1 percent of the population. Christians
have a significant presence only in two limited pockets: One,
the pocket formed by the undivided Ranchi district of Bihar
and neighbouring districts of Raigarh in Madhya Pradesh and
Sundargarh in Orissa; and two, the North Cachar Hills district
of Assam.
Muslims form a significant presence in the whole of this
region. But their presence is especially high in a northern
border belt that starts from Bahraich district of eastern
Uttar Pradesh and moves through Gonda, Basti, Gorakhpur and
Deoria districts of the state; to Champaran, Muzaffarpur,
Darbhanga, Saharsa, Purnia and Santhal Pargana districts of
Bihar; West Dinajpur, Maldah, Birbhum and Murshidabad
districts of West Bengal; and Goalpara, Kamrup, Darrang and
Nagaon districts of Assam. Muslims form about 28 percent of
the population of this border belt; their growth here has been
high enough to add almost 7 percentage points to their share
of the population in the four decades since Partition. The
districts we have counted above are undivided districts, as
they existed in 1971. Since then, the districts have been
divided several times. The proportion of Muslims in the new
smaller border districts is even higher; available data
indicates that several blocks and police-station areas along
the border have recorded a very high presence and growth of
Muslims.
In addition to the northern border belt, Muslims also have a
high and fast-growing presence in an interior region centred
on Muzaffarnagar district of western Uttar Pradesh, in the
region around Calcutta in West Bengal, and in Cachar district
of Assam.
Uttar Pradesh, Bihar, West Bengal and Assam, and especially
the border areas of these states, thus constitute a region of
high Muslim presence and growth. The share of Indian
Religionists in this region is under great stress and is
likely to remain so in the future; Indian Religionists have
already turned into a minority in several districts of the
region.
Finally, there is a third region of Indian Union comprising
the extreme border areas including Jammu and Kashmir in the
north, Goa and Kerala in the West, Lakshadweep and Nicobar
Islands off the Indian coast, and the states of the northeast
where Indian Religionists do not have a dominating presence.
Indian Religionists form only about a third of the population
of Jammu and Kashmir; their presence in the valley districts
of the state is insignificant. Their share in the population
of the state as a whole has indeed improved slightly after
Partition. The valley, however, has become almost entirely
Muslim, while the Jammu region has become more predominantly
Indian Religionist in the period following 1951. In Goa,
Indian Religionists constitute about two-thirds of the
population; of the rest about 30 percent are Christians and 5
percent Muslims. This is one of the rare states, where Indian
Religionists have considerably improved their share; the state
seems likely to acquire a religious profile similar to the
neighbouring states of Karnataka and Maharashtra in the near
future.
In Kerala, Indian Religionists have been losing ground
throughout the twentieth century. They have a share of 57
percent in the population in 1991; this is about 12 percentage
points less than their share in 1901. They have lost about 6
percentage points to Christians and about the same to Muslims;
the gains of Christians occurred largely during the
pre-Partition period of 1901-1941 and those of Muslims during
the post-Partition period of 1951-1991. This loss of about 12
percentage points in the course of the twentieth century has
occurred on top of the substantial losses that Indian
Religionists in Kerala suffered due to large-scale conversions
to Islam during the later part of eighteenth century and to
Christianity during the nineteenth. Thus in the course of the
last three centuries, Indian Religionists have comprehensively
lost their dominance in this coastal state.
Lakshadweep Islands off the Kerala coast have been
predominantly Muslim throughout the twentieth century. Nicobar
Islands that form the southernmost outpost of India have
turned almost 70 percent Christian in the recent past.
The most dramatic story of the twentieth century is that of
the northeastern states, not including Assam which we have
already discussed above. In 1901, Indian Religionists formed
more than 90 percent of the population of these states, while
Christians formed less than 2 percent. In 1991 the proportion
of Indian Religionists is reduced to less than 60 percent,
while that of Christians has risen to nearly 40 percent. Most
of this change has occurred during the period following
Independence; in 1941, Indian Religionists still formed nearly
90 percent of the population, and even in 1931, the year for
which census figures for converts to Christianity are said to
be more reliable, proportion of Indian Religionists in the
population was more than 80 percent; of the rest only about 10
percent were Christians. Share of Indian Religionists in the
population of the region today seems somewhat respectable
because of the persistence of Indian Religionists in Tripura
and the central districts of Manipur; these areas were ruled
by avowedly Vaishnava states for several centuries. In other
parts of the region, especially in Nagaland, Mizoram, outer
districts of Manipur and much of Meghalaya, Indian
Religionists have been reduced to an insignificant minority.
Thus, Indian Religionists have suffered a loss of more than 11
percentage points between 1881 and 1991 in India as a whole,
which constitutes a drastic change in the religious profile of
a compact geographical region like India. It is, however, even
more significant that the losses have been highly pronounced
in border regions, especially after Independence. This is
leading to the formation of border pockets, where Indian
Religionists are in a minority or nearly so. Existence of such
distinct pockets formed the demographic basis of Partition of
the country in 1947. A similar pocket of high Muslim influence
seems to be now developing in the northern border belt
covering the states of Uttar Pradesh, Bihar, West Bengal and
Assam. And, a border pocket of even more intense Christian
influence has developed in the northeastern states. Nicobar
Islands district on the extreme southern tip of the country
has been Christianised. And, Indian Religionists have lost
sway in the western coastal state of Kerala. Most of these
changes have taken place in the short span of time since
Independence and Partition.
Viewed in the perspective of the changes that have taken place
in the religious demography of the world, Indian experience of
this period is not too dismal. In the course of the twentieth
century, Christianity has swept through the continent of
Africa, where the proportion of Christians in the population
has risen to nearly 45 percent from less than 10 percent in
1900. Christians have also made significant gains in several
countries of Asia, especially South Korea and Indonesia.
During the same period, Muslims have considerably increased
their share in the world, going up from about 12 percent in
1900 to about 19 percent in 1990. Their proportion in the
population has improved in almost every part of the world; the
gains have been especially significant in parts of Africa, and
in Indonesia in Asia.
India, on the whole, has resisted Christianisation; proportion
of Christians in India remains around 2 percent. And, India
has not succumbed to the expansion of Islam like some
countries of Africa. But Indian experience of the twentieth
century has not been nearly as robust as that of the other
great non-Islamic and non-Christian civilisation of the world,
China. During the course of the twentieth century, not only
the proportion but also the absolute number of Muslims in
China has declined, and Christianity has failed to find any
foothold there. India has not responded like China.
Consequently, India has suffered Partition, and several border
areas of the post-Partition Indian Union have become
vulnerable to non-Indian Religionist influences.
We dedicate this book to the memory of Shri Ram Swarupji, who
made us aware of the grand dynamics of great civilisations and
who always encouraged us in our work with his benign
blessings.
Vasanta Panchami, Kali 5104
February 6, 2003
Chennai APJ, MDS & JKB
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